Masters Thesis Abstract

Abstract

The Immigration Reform Act of 1965 ushered in a new era of mass immigration that is predominantly Latin American and Asian. The shift from traditional to new sending areas as well as the changed economic and social landscape of the United States has reignited immigrant scholarship and spawned new methods to predict pathways of adaptation and assimilation, namely Segmented Assimilation Theory. A mixed-methods approach is used to measure immigrant and second-generation intergenerational mobility and to understand the experience of 1.5 and 2nd generation Mexican and Mexican Americans in Seattle. Questionnaires are used to measure assimilation determinates outline by Segmented Assimilation Theory – modes of incorporation, human capital and family structure. In-depth interviews deepen our understanding of an individual experience while simultaneously broadening our understanding of how individuals define and perceive their experience. From the questionnaire, we find that the educational and occupational achievement of 1.5 and 2nd generation sample members is strongly tied to modes of incorporation, human capital and family structure, as suggested by Segmented Assimilation Theory. Documentation is requisite for the educational funding all sample members have required to pursue secondary and post secondary degrees. The immigrant community in rural areas is seen as a catalyst for personal, educational and occupational growth while an inner-city immigrant community is seen as a hindrance to growth. Intact and extended families provide material and emotional support superior to that of fractured families, however, single parents with high levels of human capital provide vital role-modeling to their children. From interviews, we find that Mexico is at once a point of origin and departure, a place of celebration and anxiety, a source of cultural groundwork and cultural confusion for participants. Almost universally, Mexico as a background, a place and an idea has become a toolkit from which participants pull to overcome obstacles. The bicultural experience comes in distinct stages that followed the transitions from youth to adolescents and adolescents to adulthood – where being bicultural transitions from a source of embarrassment and discontent to a set of skills that influences personal and professional goals. Almost universally, sample members pursue goals that directly or indirectly honor, cement or reestablish their Mexican heritage.

Ethnography: Coomunity Food Co-op (ugh!! cant get the formatting right)

Introduction:

Buying food at a grocery store is a regular activity undertaken by most people in the United States. Regardless of frequency of visit, most Americans are as familiar with a grocery store as they are with a schoolhouse, a restaurant or a bus stop. From the local market, to the supermarket to the community co-op, grocery stores are a primary part of American life. And the available store options reflect the socioeconomic and cultural realities of today’s America.

Most people are comfortable within any type of grocery store. Because buying groceries is a common, frequent activity, I can walk into any store that sells food and take the steps required to find, carry and pay for the food I choose. However inefficient I may be, and regardless of the number of questions I have to ask, buying groceries is a procedure that is relatively easy to negotiate for a 33 year-old American male.

As grocery stores are similar at the meta level, they are different at the micro level. A supermarket and a small local market both have aisles organized in a similar way. Produce is gathered in a section, meats are in coolers that are at least adjacent to dairy products and small impulse items line checkout stations. A visit to the Community Food Co-op will have the familiar structural environment of any grocery store. Aisles are teaming with products, stand-alone displays protrude otherwise uniform space and point of purchase (POP) information accompanies all products. Shoppers negotiate constricted space with boxy carts or carry awkward plastic baskets. People are focused and task oriented. Payment is consistent with standard stores. However, the products themselves, the promotions and the information abound are unique. I noticed this on my first visit. Awareness of these differences led to greater awareness about space, pace and overall vibration. The physical environment was somehow softer and the pace was a bit slower. I had more interactions with employees. It was at this point that I chose the Community Food Co-op for my ethnographic field project.

Ethnography is a work that describes a culture and its central aim is to grasp, to the greatest degree possible, the native or insider perspective of that culture (Spradley 1980:3). Ethnographic fieldwork is the research methodology of ethnography and is a hallmark of cultural anthropology. Ethnographers endeavor to understand cultural behavior, cultural knowledge and cultural artifacts. More simply, ethnographers want to know what people do, what people know and the things people make or use (Spradley 1980:5). This is achieved by gathering data through intense observation, participation and by interacting with insiders.

I use Grounded Theory as the theoretical framework for this ethnographic project. Grounded Theory is an approach that lets the data speak for itself (Spradley 1980). Over the course of three months, I observed, participated and interacted with employees and customers to accumulate data on various subjects. Recurrent themes emerge once considerable data is in hand. When data is analyzed for recurrent themes, the agenda of the researcher and his or her ethnocentrisms are reduced. That we pull our focus from the data, instead of vice versa, captures the framework of grounded theory.

Grounded theory and ethnographic research are interpretive and thus subjective. Research design, motivations, and interactions are borne out of a researcher’s life experience and perspective. This is seen as an opportunity rather than a problem (Finlay 2002:212). Subjectivity provides room for reflexivity. Reflexivity is the “conscious examination of the ethnographer’s interpretive presupposition” (Robben 2007:443). It enriches fieldwork by calling attention to the interactional processes through which information and knowledge are acquired, shared and transmitted. It allows researchers to evaluate and examine their position and perspective within a research scenario.

I began my research at the Community Food Co-op on October 1, 2008. I spent between six and eight hours per week in the Co-op observing, participating as a customer, interacting with employees and customers, and documenting social interactions such as checking out, ordering prepared food or simply shopping. After two months of research I organized data into cultural domains and built taxonomic and componential tables. These steps brought to the fore cultural categories, their attributes and the semantic relationships that link them (Spradley 1980).

The focus of this ethnography is in-store written communication at the Community Food Co-op. Communications from store to customer comes in assorted form. Written communication, be it promotions, signs, posters or community boards, are so omniscient they sometimes go unnoticed. They are a pulsing current that permeate objects, sounds, thoughts, decisions and interactions and they are powerful. Beyond the scope of my research is verbal, non-print and external communication. Similarly, it is not my objective to review or address communication laden packaging controlled by manufacturers.

Covered in this ethnography are introductions to cooperative enterprises and the Community Food Co-op as well as analysis of the three principle themes of in-store written communication derived from observation, interviews and participation. I have also included excerpts from interviews and have attached, in the appendix, tables and photographs that augment analysis.

History of Cooperative Enterprises:

A cooperative is a business enterprise that is owned and controlled by its members (Center for Cooperatives 2003). Most commonly, cooperative members are participants and customers of the enterprise. Cooperatives (co-ops) provide goods and services to members for mutual benefit. They cover a diverse landscape of enterprises. Businesses, credit unions, agriculture, housing, health and medicine are just a few of the areas where co-ops are prevalent.

The modern cooperative is based on the principles of the Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers (Sommer 1998). This group of 28 unemployed flannel weavers formally organized an enterprise based on open membership, democratic control, neutrality of religion, limited interest on capital, and partisan politics among others.

The Rochdale Equitable Pioneers Society established six principles that are adhered to presently. Many co-ops around the world, including the Community Food Co-op, were founded on the follow six principles:

1) Voluntary and open membership—Everyone is welcome to become a member.

2) Democratic member control—One member, one vote.

3) Member economic participation—Your shares are an investment in the Co-op.

4) Autonomy and independence—We are owned by members and operate for member benefit.

5) Education, training, and information—Education opportunities for staff and members.

6) Cooperation among cooperatives—Open communication with other co-ops. (Community Food Co-op 2008b.)

Early co-ops were tied to worker movements and were common in England by the late 19^th century. Expansion to Europe emboldened the co-op concept and more worker movements adopted cooperative models and were responsible for breaking up cartels and monopolies, reducing prices and improving quality and service (Sommer 1998). The co-op concept crossed the Atlantic with Scandinavian immigrants and grew in the United States in both number and in scope.

By the 1950’s and 1960’s, co-ops were no longer only associated with worker movements and expanded in scope to include child-care, food, housing and transportation (Sommer 1998). Here the structure of the co-op shifted to participant co-operatives where work was a condition of membership. Where members are customers and workers, the democratic value of access, participation and community trump bottom-line objectives. Furthermore, the structure offers members unique opportunities to participate in policy and governance. The food cooperative emerged out of larger social movements such as ecology, community empowerment and cooperation. The grocery-based participant co-operative arose to meet the needs of consumers interested in nutrition and ecology that had gone unaddressed by corporate supermarkets (Sommer 1998:47).

Demographically, food co-op members and participants tend to be of higher socio-economic and educational status than average supermarket customers. Their purchase behavior is often in line with their personal, environmental and community-involvement attitudes (Sommer 1998). Consumptive patterns emphasize products that are seasonal, unprocessed, natural, and that require minimal or no packaging.

Food co-ops and their members share a commitment to food politics, “a constellation of attitudes and practices centered about the equitable production, processing, and distributing of food” (Sommer 1998:48). Co-ops facilitate recycling and reuse by dedicating prominent in-store real estate to recycling bins and by providing containers for customer reuse. They often provide information about recycling and communicate environmental and food concerns to customers via posters and signs (Sommer 1998). Posters, community boards and even the magazines a co-op carries, are all methods by which co-ops communicate with members. They all communicate group ideology and reinforce shared identity. Co-op ideology is at once its greatest strength and its potential demise. Co-ops regularly confront hyper-idealism, transience of membership, and compromise between democratic and management styles of decision-making.

According to a study conducted by Sommer (1998) of over 50 food co-ops across the country, décor and layout of co-ops are decidedly anti-linear and reflect the sustainable and non-hierarchical ideology of a given establishment. Naming conventions also communicate the counterculture as, for example, such names as Community Food Co-op, Gentle Strength and People’s Food Store. Interior spaces are different from standardized corporate grocery stores. Co-ops are inefficient (for selling), cluttered, and relatively disorganized. Rock or alternative music replace muzak on overhead speakers; aisles are intentionally narrower and checkout is decidedly slower moving. Co-ops do not encourage fast shopping instead, they promote a relaxed, interactive, social experience. Structurally, co-op buildings, often recycled, are energy efficient and take advantage of natural light, heating and cooling. Use of earth tones is a stark departure from the electric reds, yellows and oranges of standard grocery stores. “Bulk bins” are a ubiquitous entity within co-ops. At co-ops, customers are asked to do the packaging work. Patrons trade the convenience of grab and go for less packaging and lower prices (Sommer 1998). Clearly co-ops take definitive steps to separate themselves from standard grocery stores both ideologically and in physical space.

Introduction to the Community Food Co-op:

During the late 1960’s and early 1970’s, co-ops emerged in various locales across the United States as a way of addressing consumer demand for natural foods (Sommer 1998). Responding to this movement, in part, the Co-op first opened for business in 1970 (Community Food Co-op 2008b.). Armed with 10 products, they occupied a 900 square foot space in Fairhaven. Today, the Co-op carries over 20,000 products, operates out of a 15,000 square foot space and has about 12,000 members. An additional store, larger than the current location, will open in early 2009. The Community Food Co-op’s exponential growth can be partly attributed to this rising tide of demand for natural, healthy food products.

The Co-op offers a wide variety of healthy products in an informative environment. Their vision, mission and value set is the compass that guides business decisions, product offerings and membership services. The Co-op’s primary vision is “a just and livable world with cooperatively owned enterprise as a cornerstone of a sustainable economy” (Community Food Co-op 2008d.). Their mission is simple: a membership based grocery store that serves the local community with healthy products and honest information.

The Co-op’s value set guides market placement, brand strategy and community involvement. The Co-op maintains economic viability by promoting cooperative ownership and responding to customer needs. They endeavor to build a sustainable community by cultivating community connections and by respecting the diversity of Whatcom County (Community Food Co-op 2008d.). They empower members and customers by providing comprehensive information about food issues, healthy lifestyle, environmental issues and human rights. They emphasize ethical business practices by acting with honesty and integrity. The Co-op respects their employees by providing a comfortable, supportive and informative workplace and marketplace. They promote a sustainable economy by working closely with socially responsible local, regional and national businesses and food producers that practice environmentally sustainable techniques to bring their products and services to market. Lastly, profits generated from sales are reinvested into the Co-op for service improvements. Profits benefit the collective and ensure that the Co-op remains economically viable and owner-centered.

Members are core to the Co-op, both operationally and ideologically. Members are owners and thus have a voice and a vote (Community Food Co-op 2008c.). Members participate democratically by voting in elections, holding office positions, and contributing to committees. Ideologically, the Co-op is community owned and membership is the method by which community members become owners.

Membership is voluntary. All community members are welcome. A one-time upfront fee of $90 and an annual $4 fee are required for membership. These charges are equity investments that allow the Co-op to upgrade equipment and make capital improvements to provide goods and services (Community Food Co-op 2008c.).

Membership has privileges. Members enjoy bulk discounts, member-specific coupons and specials and have access to discounts at local businesses that partner with the Co-op. As owners, members have a direct impact on the local economy and community development projects. The fees associated with membership, as well as individual purchases, improve the Co-op, its ability to partner with local establishments and the capital to donate and to sponsor community projects. Members have access to profit sharing. An annual patronage dividend is awarded to owners based on an owner’s yearly spending (Community Food Co-op 2008c.).

The Co-op is by the community and for the community. The Co-op donates two percent of daily sales to 12 local organizations and grants numerous in-kind donations (Community Food Co-op 2008c.). They spearhead a Food to Bank On program and sponsor myriad art and cultural events. Membership is the catalyst of community involvement. When the Co-op is financially strong they are able to expand investment in the greater community.

The Board of Directors is a nine-member team that guides the strategic direction and market positioning of the Community Food Co-op (Community Food Co-op 2008a.). They are the policy-setting entity that is responsible for reviewing and planning the workings of the Co-op and report directly to members.

The Member Affairs Committee is the liaison between the Board and Co-op members. This advisory committee balances the relationship between the business entity (the Co-op itself), members and the greater community (Community Food Co-op 2008a.). They provide a forum for members to voice needs and concerns, propose membership initiatives and recommend community business partners. Other Co-op committees include executive, development and finance.

Descriptive Tour:

The Co-op is a busy marketplace packed with product, people and activity. It is both similar and vastly different from a usual grocery shopping experience by measure heavily weighted towards the latter. As a 33 year-old white, American male, I have deep experience in grocery stores. Upon first entry, I was comfortable and familiar with the environment. Numerous aisles pilled high with goods provided structure within this great warehouse and directed traffic north and south. I am familiar with layout, methods of ferrying products, how to negotiating space with many shoppers in a constricted space and where to pay when the shopping is complete. This familiarity desensitized my initial observations and limited my sensory impression once inside the Co-op.

In this shopping environment, I am at once an “insider” and an “outsider.” I have enough experiential knowledge to navigate effectively through this complex of health food. However, due to my nascence within this specific space, I was unaware of their product offering, conditions of membership and strategy of promotion.

Store situation, product offering and promotional layout are the public interface between Co-op and customer. It is the physical representation of the Co-op’s mission, vision and value set. To gain an “insider” perspective of the Co-op I employed the services of a customer service representative for a guided tour. Below is an excerpt from my field notes and best describes the public space that is the Community Food Co-op. All notes are derived from my observations and the conversation I had with this employee. I have given this employee the pseudonym “Mark” to maintain his anonymity.

10/07/08:

Mark lifted his head from the computer at the customer service desk upon hearing her voice: "Can you help this young man with a tour of the Co-op?" Moments earlier, she assured me he was the right fit for the request. She worked in the "wellness" area and confessed that a customer service representative would make a more competent guide. Mark smiled, walked around his counter to face me and offered his hand for a shake. We were off.

Mark works at the customer service desk that is situated along the west wall close to the south entrance (see Appendix D). It is intentionally located near the main entry/exit and within earshot of the children's reading room. Mark is in his mid 20's, has big dark eyebrows, black hair and prefers, at least on this day, black clothing. He smiles often, maintains eye contact and speaks clearly. His disposition appears to be a positive one. His energy was upbeat and even and he gave me his undivided attention. Although I prefaced my request with an awkward disclaimer (this may be an odd request but...), Mark commenced the tour as if he'd administered many before.

We traveled south to north in a clockwise direction. Just north of the customer service desk was the children's reading room. Strategically located, according to Mark, kids can be seen and heard by employees at all times. A "glider" chair rests among scattered stuffed animals and children's books. The bulk section was next and vast. According to Mark, the bulk section is the “jewel” of the Co-op and is perhaps most illustrative of their identity. Here, customers fill plastic, transparent bags or containers with any number of perishables. Teas, coffee, beans, pastas, grains, granola, nut butters, oils and more line, in quantity, the west wall of aisle #1 (see Appendix D). The bulk section allows customers to bring their own containers thereby reducing packaging and waste. Customers can leave surplus containers for other to use. The bulk selection also highlights the organization’s effort to support local food suppliers. Bulk items that are produced and distributed locally receive recognition; a named label. Across from bulk goods is the bread section. The Co-op supports local artisan bakeries. Unfortunately, this section is diminishing. Rising wheat prices have pushed many producers out of operation and this reality can be seen on the empty shelves. To accommodate demand, the Co-op has introduced national organic brands. The first aisle receives constant foot traffic.

An unaware customer walking with pace beyond aisle #1 would run into a table topped with individually packaged baked goods. Salad plate sized cookies, mini-pies and sugar wafers crowd the table that is situated beyond aisle #1, adjacent to the two north end check out counters and just before the main west entrance. Due east is a long cooler that wraps from east to north and butts into a check out station. Situated here are sandwiches, nori rolls and prepared salads. This is a hub of purchasing activity for cafe patrons. Available every day is breakfast, lunch and dinner specials. What salads are not derived from local produce are organic.

The meat section is recently enhanced due to consumer demand. It sits at the top (north) of aisles 4, 5 and 6 and boarders an east to west thoroughfare. Local producers' meats occupy the coolers. Specifically, they sell and promote "Hemplers" because they are local and do not use steroids. Also featured is an additional Oregon farm that is nationally recognized for their humane treatment of animals (despite the slaughtering I suppose). The cheese section is situated within the greater meat department and has recently expanded as well. Again, artisan cheeses are popular and the Co-op promotes local suppliers. Logically located near the cheese and across from the meats is a large, fragmented wine section. The wine section occupies two distinct sections that are accessible from both aisle five and six. This has been enlarged. The Co-op has two staff members dedicated to the wine section. They buy all the wine and are available to customers for information and wine pairing advice. This past weekend, the "wine guys" were in the Yakima valley looking at new wineries. They are knowledgeable and will often give you "way too much information."

The frozen food section, historically, has been neglected. The Co-op relocated popular items (namely wine and cheese) close to frozen food to boost foot traffic. Their efforts were worthwhile. Frozen food occupies the east wall and dead-ends at the produce section. The frozen foods share a wall with refrigerated dairy products. Small local dairy farms are struggling similarly to the bakeries and thus the Co-op’s dairy section is shy on stock. To satisfy demand, they have engaged in new relationships and they are all selling well. They sell milk in glass bottles! Mark had never had glass container milk before they started carrying it. Looking west across from dairy is a long cooler of bottled beer. The Co-op has a staff member that manages the buying and selling of beer. He is usually around to answer questions and take requests. Not today.

The produce section is squared by aisle patricians and coolers and occupies the large space that is the southeast corner of the store. There are four floating stations topping with colorful natural goods. The section has recently expanded and they have created a space that is more conducive to seeing and interacting with the many fruits, vegetables, tubers and roots.

Concluding the tour, Mark brought me to the south end check out section for a few closing comments. Between aisles three and four, there is a "wellness" section. There are two experts that dedicate their efforts to this section and have worked at the Co-op "for like 10 years." Also, there is a job board along the west wall just south of the customer service counter. They have 60 job openings and thus have made the job board more visible. The south end check out counters were replaced three to four months ago. The old counters were given to the public market. Any time the Co-op replaces objects, they give or sell the old ones to local businesses and non-profits. They work to keep their discarded items away from landfills. A smile and a nod brought our tour to a close. I thanked him and he thanked me.

This "written tour" documents all the information Mark provided. While the tour was informative, it was peripheral and was not exhaustive. We focused centrally on the perimeter of the store and neglected the cafe, aisles two, three and four. His tour also did not include employee spaces. For the purposes of this first interview, Mark was my guide and made all our decisions. I was simply a follower. However incomplete, Mark captured the mission and vision of the Co-op. His tour provided context to concepts I was aware of, but had not considered thoroughly. In essence, I did not realize how firmly they held to their mission. Specifically I did not realize their commitment to providing locally derived products. The Co-op works hard to forge prosperous relationships with local growers. They will do this in the face of rising cost for the products themselves and for the added effort required to work with dozens of accounts.

Mark’s tour was instructive and from our conversation three recurring themes emerged. First, the Co-op supports and features local food producers. They promote locality in general. Buying local supports local farms which ultimately stimulates the local economy. A thriving local economy is logically connected to the success of the Co-op. Local products require less resource use. Packaging is limited and transportation is minimized. Overall, by lower packaging and transportation costs, producers can put the costs back into the product. This is a net gain for both producer and consumer.

Secondly, for products that cannot be obtained locally, organics are purchased. The bulk, meat, dairy and wellness sections all carry products not generated locally. These products are labeled "organic" which further communicates their message to customers.

Finally, the Co-op places a premium on reuse. When objects are cycled out of the Co-op, they are donated or sold to local businesses and non-profit organizations. For example, as mentioned above, old check out counters found a new life at the public market. The objective is to reuse and redistribute exhausted objects to avoid dumping useful objects into landfills. Reuse can be seen in the bulk food section. Reusable containers are provided to customers at no charge. This discourages disposable bag use. The Co-op’s interest in reuse is shared by much of its customer base. Customers bring their own cloth bags to ferry groceries and often customers donate used containers and bags for others to use.

Communication Themes - Community Food Co-op:

The Community Food Co-op communicates with every customer that walks through the door. Communication continues throughout the shopping experience and concludes when customers exit. For example, the south entrance has three prominent overhead banners in succession: Your Community, Your Roots, Your Co-op. Along the South wall is a series of community boards with information about action alerts, classes run by the Co-op, sponsored events and postings about their Board of Directors. Aisles boast point of purchase (POP) information that promotes specific local and organic brands and products. The Wellness section has a library of natural medicine and a “health food library” sits just beyond a checkout counter near the entrance. At every turn inside of the Community Food Co-op, there is written communication abound.

There is method behind this communication and there is a message. In this ethnography, I endeavor to analyze the method and message of the Co-op’s in-store communication. Through observation, participation and interviews with employees and customers, three prominent themes of communication have emerged. I have termed these three themes Membership, Informative, and Sustainable. Each is closely tied to the mission, vision and value set that guides the Co-op (See Table 1). Each theme promotes Co-op identity and all communicate Co-op ideology.

Table 1: Themes of Communication and Values
Domain	Dimensions of Contrast
	Membership	Community	Information	Ethical	Sustainable
Membership	yes	yes	yes	yes	no
Informative	no	yes	yes	yes	yes
Sustainable	no	yes	yes	yes	yes

Membership:

Membership is central to the Community Food Co-op and is a principle of the mission, vision and value set. The Co-op endeavors to be a customer-owned grocery store that serves the community with quality products and honest information. Membership is the method by which community members become owners. Members are the essential link between community and Co-op and provide the financial viability required to serve the greater community. When the Co-op is financially robust, its ability to sponsor and donate to community events and causes increases. Members are at once the life-blood of community integration and business solvency.

Membership has rewards. As owners, members have a direct impact on the local economy and community development projects. Members enjoy bulk discounts, coupons, access to discounts at local businesses and are entitled to profit sharing.

As an observer and participant at the Co-op, I found promotion of membership to be extremely limited. At the customer service desk at the south end of the store (see Appendix D for map) exists a tray of membership brochures. These brochures outline membership from fees to privileges. This handful of brochures (see Photo #1) represents the only written materials that speak directly to membership. What is more, I was unable to find other resources such as banners, signs or point of purchase promotion that indication membership privilege. My observations were not completely exhaustive however, and there may be greater membership promotion inside of the Community Food Co-op.

I conducted a semi formal interview with Jeff Voltz, the General Manager at the Community Food Co-op and we spoke specifically about in-store communication. Membership is not promoted efficiently or effectively in the store. The brochures at the service desk are effective but limited. Membership is communicated more thoroughly via the website and through interaction with employees. Featured on the website is a downloadable pdf that covers membership soup to nuts. Employees are currently the best method of transitioning customers to members. They are the liaison between customer and store. They are responsible for supplying vital information about membership, products, and ideology.

According to Jeff, there is a lot of information to convey to the everyday shopper. Jeff asked rhetorically, “How does the Co-op provide all this information without bombarding the customer?” The answer to this question is illusive. The current in-store written communication is not enough and is too much all at the same time. Written communication is saturated while membership is all but untreated. The Co-op endeavors to make their communication more accessible. And Jeff is working in earnest to solve this riddle.

I conducted interviews with two customers guided by photo elicitation (for more on these interviews and photo elicitation as a method see Additional Research Components). In the first interview, I queried about membership. The first interviewee was unaware that a customer could be a member and obviously was ignorant as to its privileges. I asked if she had seen brochures or any other materials to which she replied, “No”. The second interviewee was a member of a co-op in Boise, Idaho. Asked if she planned to become a member of this co-op, she responded that she did not know how. Both customers were either unaware of membership or how to become one.

I observed a dearth of information that treats membership. This was confirmed by interviews with an employee and two customers. It is clear that membership is a key component of Co-op community integration and financial viability. Unfortunately at present, written in-store communication does not convey this relationship effectively.

Photo #1: Membership Brochures

Informative:

The Co-op passionately “encourage(s) informed choices by educating ourselves and our community on issues of food, healthy lifestyles, the environment, and human rights” (Community Food Co-op 2008d). It is one of the Co-op’s guiding values. Information, or what I term informative, is one of the primary communication themes in the store. At every turn there is information about food, locality, organics, sustainability, social responsibility and human rights. The Co-op empowers customers and members by handing them the information that facilitates good choices and healthy lifestyles.

Table 2: Types of Communication about Themes
Domain	Dimensions of Contrast
	Membership	Informative	Sustainable
Brochures	yes	yes	no
Farm Banners	no	yes	yes
Community Board	no	yes	yes
POP	no	yes	yes
Ingredient Signs	no	yes	yes
Produce Board	no	yes	yes
Wellness Kiok	no	yes	maybe
"Food Library"	no	yes	yes

For the customer, the information comes in the form of banners, signs, POP promotions, ingredient tables, a kiosk and more (see Figure 2). As mentioned in the previous section, I received a guided tour from a customer service representative. Mark gave me his perspective of the store layout and fielded my questions as we went. Mark pointed out POP signs and promotions that accompany local and organic food producers in sections meats, dairy, bulks, breads, cheeses and produce. According to Mark, the Co-op places a premium on these producers and are eager to communicate this to customers. Over the meat aisle are two large signs that promote “Hemplers” products (see Photo #2). According to the signs, Hemplers is locally owned and family operated and their products are naturally grown and are free of Nitrates, MSG and glutens. Mark brought my attention to the bread section where the Co-op features a four by two foot board promoting Avenue Breads. Avenue Breads is local, products are preservative and additive free and are made daily. Opposing the bread section in aisle one is the bulks section. The Co-op provides supplementary information about local bulk producers and has posted flour use and tea ingredient tables. And these examples are only a few of the point of purchase communications Mark brought to light.

Photo #2: Hemplers POP sign

My interaction with Mark opened my eyes to the subtle communications I had previously overlooked. Future observation affirmed what Mark had started. The Co-op provides information gathering vehicles such as in-store literature, promotions, a community board (see Appendix C), “wellness” information kiosk (see Appendix D for store map) and recycling signs. The Co-op nurtures an environment where patrons and employees alike seek out information about what and how they consume food. The information spills into the community as well. The store provides a place for information about local events, global issues, learning opportunities and even dancing. Through in-store communication and through interaction with knowledgeable staff, the Co-op creates a place for gathering, disseminating and sharing information.

But the Co-op can do better. During our interview, Jeff Voltz admitted that while the Co-op has done good work with the information they provide, there is more work to be done. The Co-op endeavors to trim the total amount of information while expanding the message. To get there, in Voltz’s words, Co-op information needs to be more punchy, concise and artful. He wants to make a lasting impression without bombarding his customers.

Sustainable:

Sustainability is a major communication and ideological theme because it directs and permeates the Co-op’s mission, the vision and value system. The Co-op’s goal is to be a cornerstone of a sustainable economy. It does so by buying and selling organic and sustainable foods and by partnering with environmentally and socially responsible businesses. Building a local and sustainable economy requires public awareness and they accomplish this through signs, banners and posters placed around the store.

Photo #3: Produce Board

A large produce chalkboard sits above the produce section and outlines in-season, local and organic fruits and vegetables (see Photo #3). Customers get decision-making information about ~40 fruits and vegetables in one glance. Just north of the main checkout section and in aisle four is a three by five foot banner that floats just overhead. These banners promote local farms that practice sustainable food growing techniques (see Appendix C). The Co-op places these banners in well-trafficked areas to maximize effect. POP signs, as mentioned above, provide additional promotion for local goods. In the wine section, perhaps among other areas as well, is a printout that speaks to the environmentally responsible grapes used in many of the wines they carry. The list goes on.

Customers are aware of the quality, sustainable goods the Co-op features. One customer, with whom I spoke casually, said she trusts all the food the Co-op carries. For this customer, knowing that the foods are local and sustainably produced is a convenience. She does not need to spend the time researching products to make responsible choices. She is informed at the product level where and how goods are produced.

According to a staff member, locality is a huge step towards sustainability. They give preferred placement and additional promotion to local producers because it betters the community, local farms and ultimately the customer. Local accounts create a network of thriving local businesses and take the Co-op a step closer to becoming a cornerstone of a sustainable economy.

The Community Food Co-op intentionally communicates membership, information and sustainability throughout the store. Through almost all written communication, the Co-op conveys their identity, ideology and value set (see Table 3). Membership is ownership and the method by which the Co-op connects with their community. Information empowers customers to make healthy, socially and environmentally responsible choices. Sustainability is achieved through the buying and selling of organically produced foods and by partnering with other locally responsible businesses.

Table 3: Types of Written Communication about Values
Domain	Dimensions of Contrast
	Membership	Community	Information	Ethical	Sustainable
Brochures	yes	yes	yes	yes	no
Farm Banners	no	yes	yes	yes	yes
Community Board	no	yes	yes	maybe	yes
POP	no	yes	yes	yes	yes
Ingredient Signs	no	no	yes	yes	yes
Produce Board	no	yes	yes	yes	yes
Wellness Kiok	no	no	yes	yes	maybe
"Food Library"	no	no	yes	yes	yes

Additional Research Components:

To augment my observations and interviews with employees, I sought out two customers for discussion. I endeavored to understand the perspective of everyday shoppers and did so through interviews utilizing photo elicitation. Photo elicitation is a method of visual research that uses photographs to guide interviews. Photos, taken by researcher or respondent, can enhance the understanding of everyday events that go unnoticed or are often difficult to articulate (Klitzing 2004:488). I chose this method because it is illustrative, it is flexible and it shifts the power dynamic from interviewer to interviewee. Furthermore, images have a greater shelf life than notes or memories. Having a photo at hand often pushes buried memories and emotions to the fore.

The reception of images is subjective. The emotions, thoughts and messages invoked by photos are flexible - no two people view them the same way. Photo elicitation transfers the power and control from the interviewer to the interviewee. It becomes collaborative and co-constructed. My interviewees took the photographs before we sat down for the interview. My questions were based on the images they captured. From start to finish, these two interviewees directed and controlled the entire process. The photographs provided direction in our discussion of the topics that were important to them. Within this framework, I was able to interject with questions that served my needs as well. Unfortunately, neither respondent focused on in-store communication and only one cursorily treated a theme outlined earlier. At their request, I have given the interviewees pseudonyms Jesse and Lisa to respect their anonymity.

Method:

I asked two people to visit the Co-op on their own time and take photographs of things important to them. The request was open ended. The photos could be of anything and about anything. The two individuals were told to take as many photos as they pleased. I informed them that I would conduct an interview two days after the photos were taken. My interviewees were comfortable with the project and were excited to get going.

The two interviewees are Jesse and Lisa. They are Bellingham residents and are familiar with the Co-op. They are both female and are in their early thirties. They are both homeowners and are the primary grocery providers of their households. They took between 6 and 10 photos each and I conducted interviews that lasted about 45 minutes. Analysis below is derived directly from interviews (see Appendix B for interview schedule and notes).

Interview Analysis:

Jesse was the first to be interviewed. Our conversation was very casual and the interview was fun and conversational. I began with basic questions about her experience in the Co-op. Later, we discussed each photo with interjected follow-up questions to her responses.

Jesse shops at the Co-op about once a week, or three to four times a month. She is not a member of this Co-op but is a member of one in Boise. They honor that membership here and she does not know how to open a membership here. Jesse buys about 10% of her groceries at the Co-op. She would shop there more, but it is too expensive and she has a limited budget. On average, she spends about 20 minutes shopping at a time and never uses a shopping cart. According to Jesse, the Co-op has great awareness with respect to what they carry. She does not need to think about the value of what they provide, and that is convenient. Everything is wholesome and that is worth the extra expense, however, apparently only 10% of the time. She rarely visits the café but does concede that it makes for great people watching.

Jesse took six photographs. She chose to photograph two different sections of produce, the wine section, the prepared food cooler and the bulk area. She clearly gravitated to areas of vibrant color and vast selection. Similarly, presentation, or the way items were displayed, was of consideration. For each photo, Jesse reiterated the importance of presentation. During our interview, three concepts emerged as themes: presentation, bounty and color. I have put these in order according to the number of recurrences. Her photos (see Appendix C) tell most of this story. Another theme that emerged during out conversation was price. Jesse shops at the Co-op for 10% of her groceries, and this is an economic consideration primarily. Interestingly, she did not look at any of the prices in the areas that she photographed. It was understood, perhaps tacitly, that the Co-op is just too expensive.

Jesse summed up our interview with positive attributes of the Co-op. It is a good place to shop and has a much greater selection than any other Co-op she has visited. For example, in bulks, Jesse knows that if she wants something “off-the-wall,” she can get it here. The products are wholesome, bountiful and the displays are pleasing to look at.

The second interview was with Lisa and was similar to the first in that it was casual and very conversational. Whereas Jesse was verbose, Lisa was terse. Lisa rarely shops at the Co-op and she is not a member. She does not shop at the Co-op for logistic and economic reasons. Fred Meyer is near her house, on her way to school and less expensive. And according to Lisa, “you can get all the same stuff at Fred Meyer for cheaper.”

Lisa’s took ten photos, mostly of produce. Other photographs included dog food (she owns a dog), wine, teas, “habas” (health and beauty aids), olive oil and bulk. The majority of images are close-ups of produce (see Appendix C). Themes were difficult to pull out of our interview. Recurring sentiments were price and selection. Lisa, similar to Jesse, did not look at the prices when taking her photos. However, she readily identified everything as too expensive. Furthermore, she did not see much difference in selection between stores. When I pressed her about the dog food selection, she did admit the food was better than what she could get elsewhere. It is organic and completely natural, however, it is not good enough to make up for the price. Lastly, Lisa did not know that membership was possible at the Co-op. She did not see any information alluding to membership or its advantages. Ultimately, Lisa’s choice not to frequent the Co-op is an economic consideration. Our conversation was brief and her answers were short and to the point.

The interviewees gained new personal insights through photographs. For example, Jesse did not realize that she cared about bounty, yet every photo spoke to quantity. Lisa did not realize how into hand lotion she was until she reviewed her photos. The photos helped me conduct the interview and partially remove my agenda from the endeavor. Moreover, the interviews flowed with ease, and anytime a pause occurred, we comfortably referenced the photos.

I also conducted a semi formal interview with Jeff Voltz, the General Manager at the Community Food Co-op. Our conversation was instrumental in understanding the objective of Co-op in-store communication from a truly insider perspective. Jeff is intimately involved with all forms of communication as well as strategy and market position. I was lucky to get 30 minutes of his time. I used excerpts from this interview in the communication themes section. The description below is pulled from my field notes of our interview (see Appendix B for interview schedule).

Interview Analysis:

Jeff and I met at the Co-op at 1:30 sharp on November 19^th. He met me at the service desk. With a quick handshake, we proceeded to the north side of the store, through the Swan Café, ascended the stairs and meandered our way back to his office. The space was cluttered with human movement and illogically placed objects (my opinion). It reminded me of being backstage at a play just before the curtain rises. Spotted lighting, scattered noises and what seemed like dozens of people converged in this crowded space and apparently got things done. I stepped over extension cords, moved my hips to the right to avoid a passer-by, skipped forward to keep pace with Jeff and eased myself into a chair in his office.

During the scheduling of our interview, Jeff made clear that 30 minutes was the limit to our conversation. Business was brisk and much work was to be done. He had no time for more. The interview was semi-structured and went swimmingly. We moved quickly through seven questions and I did my best to capture his responses, his gestures and the overall mood of the interview.

The objective of the Co-op in-store communication is to push store position and brand strategy. They strive to be an industry leader and do so by developing a robust and responsible local food system. They differentiate their position by carrying and promoting locally and sustainably grown products. The Co-op sees themselves as the local food experts and a resource for honest and accurate information about food and nutrition. Similarly, they are community owned and thus have a very tangible responsibility to serve Bellingham.

Conveying these messages is accomplished in part by banners that promote local farms in aisles 2 and 5. In the bulk section, organic foods receive special labeling and local bulk producers receive increases promotion. Local farms are promoted further on the community board. The Wellness section is loaded with information via a computer database, a small library of books and two dedicated staff members. Above the produce section is a large chalkboard that outlines in-season and local produce. The value set, as well as the vision and mission are posted near the customer service counter.

According to Jeff, this is a lot of information to convey to the everyday shopper. From this sentiment emerged the primary theme of the interview. How does the Co-op provide all this information without bombarding their customers? The answer to this question is illusive. The current in-store written communication is not enough and is too much all at the same time. It is already saturated while more information is still needed. The Co-op endeavors to make their communication more accessible, more efficient and more effective. And Jeff is working in earnest to solve this riddle.

There are two pressure valves to this dilemma. First, the staff is the Co-op’s greatest asset. They are the liaison between customer and store. They are responsible for supplying vital information about products, membership and ideology. They provide personal attention and make connections with the customer base. The second valve is the website and is untested. At present, the website does not do enough to augment what customers experience in the store, according to Voltz. He sees the website as an untapped resource for providing the information that crowds the store. The website should provide extensive nutritional information, outline community integration initiatives and effectively convey cooperative mission, vision and value sets. Voltz sees an opportunity for an electronic newsletter that reaches out and engages with members. However, much to Voltz’s dismay, there is no database or a strategy to build one. The website needs attention and direction.

While the Community Food Co-op has done good work with their in-store written communication, according to Voltz, there is more work to do. The Co-op endeavors to trim the total amount of messaging while expanding the message. To get there, in Voltz’s words, Co-op messaging needs to be more punchy, concise and artful. He wants to make a lasting impression without bombarding his customers.

Jeff and I concluded our interview promptly at 2 o’clock. In the thirty-minute interview, Jeff conveyed to me the challenge at his feet. He was generous with his time and his information. He answered all my questions without hesitation and wished me luck on my project. With another handshake I walked out of his office, danced around a wine tasting, avoided a poorly positioned coffee station and found the stairs into the public domain of the Co-op.

Conclusion:

Over the course of three months, I spend on average 18 hours at the Community Food Co-op each week. My goal was to understand both insider and outsider perspectives of the Co-op. I endeavored to gain insight into how customers and employees view and operate within the store. Through observing space, written communication and social interactions, by participating as a shopper and by conducting several interviews, I found cultural categories, their attributes and the semantic relationships that link them.

The Co-op communicates with every customer through written communication that is strategically placed throughout the store. It is this communication that I focused on centrally. I have categorized communication into three themes: membership, informative and sustainable. Almost all communication speaks to one or all of these themes. They mirror the Co-op’s identity, ideology and value set. Membership is ownership and is the method by which the Co-op connects with their community. Information empowers customers to make healthy, socially and environmentally responsible choices. Sustainability is achieved through the buying and selling of organically produced foods and by partnering with other locally responsible businesses.

My research is incomplete. With more time, I would have conducted more interviews with managers, floor employees, members and customers. These interviews would be specific to in-store communication and Co-op ideology. Additionally, I would like to analyze, more granularly, communication strategy. A comparative approach, looking at other co-ops and for profit grocery stores, would strengthen this product. It is with mixed emotions that this research project concludes. I am satisfied with what I have accomplished, however, there is more research to be done.

Works Cited:

Center for Cooperatives, University of Wisconsin

2003 Co-ops and you, Introduction to co-ops. Electronic document, http://coops.wisc.edu/index.html, accessed October 27.

Community Food Co-op

2008a. Board of Directors. Electronic document, http://communityfood.coop/about/board.html, accessed December 2.

2008b. History. Electronic document, http://communityfood.coop/about/history.html, accessed December 2

2008d. Membership. Electronic document, http://communityfood.coop/membership/, accessed December 2.

2008a. Vision, Mission, & Values. Electronic document, http://communityfood.coop/about/vision.html, accessed December 2.

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